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50 Dalil kenapa Khairuddin Abu Hassan dikhuatiri bersubahat dengan regim pemberontak dan Tun Dr. Mahathir bagi menjatuhkan kerajaan Malaysia dan Umno -

50 Dalil kenapa Khairuddin Abu Hassan dikhuatiri bersubahat dengan regim pemberontak dan Tun Dr. Mahathir bagi menjatuhkan kerajaan Malaysia dan Umno -


The group is in consort with foreign elements to subvert government and enjoys the patronage of Tun Dr. Mahathir and Tun Daim Zainuddin, the two most powerful Tuns in the country.

Readers are referred to which serves as a prelude to the following:

Part A: Waging war against the Yang di-Pertuan Agong

Dato’ Seri Khairuddin Abu Hassan may have committed a crime of treason against the state and constitutes a threat to national security. He defied a fundamental tenet to the pillars of our sovereignty and is hence in contempt of the Federal Constitution of Malaysia (hereinafter referred to as the Constitution).

His disposition to boldly defy the supremacy of authority vested in the Constitution became manifest when he acted in a manner that undermined the authority of the state to enforce the law. His actions were male fide and stood to jeopardize ongoing investigations into 1Malaysia Development Berhad (1MDB).

The said actions included, but were not limited to press statements he issued against 1MDB and Prime Minister Dato’ Seri Najib Razak. Khairuddin more or less denounced probes into the investment company as corrupt and spoke of ‘hidden hands’ that had jockeyed investigations.

However, nothing substantive was ever offered to validate his claims, much less proven. Yet, he brought the state to trial in the court of public opinion with allegations that bordered on skulduggery and like practices that were not kosher.

By virtue of these allegations, Khairuddin had implicated several bodies and agencies as being complicit with the ‘hidden hands’ aforementioned herein to subvert investigations into 1MDB and its attendant concerns and institutions.

The agencies and authorities (hereinafter referred to as the authorities) Khairuddin so quickly denounced were in fact bound by various statutes of law under parliamentary jurisdiction, the ambit to which is circumscribed by and cedes to the Constitution. One may thence conclude, a priori, that Khairuddin was and is as yet in contempt of the Constitution and its attendant agencies.

The authorities that were feloniously implicated by Khairuddin include the Royal Malaysian Police (PDRM), the Malaysian Anti Corruption Agency (MACC) and the Attorney General (AG), and were assigned and committed to probe into 1MDB and several other related issues.

Khairuddin’s contemptuous bent was subversive and treasonous against the Constitution. This is especially true when one considers how he pinned his convictions on authorities abroad in a manner that undermined the sanctity of local authorities and agencies of statute.

The point above stretches the mile on treason when taken into account reports that were lodged against 1MDB in France and the United Kingdom (UK). These reports preceded those that were lodged against Najib and businessman Jho Low with the Hong Kong (HK) police. Khairuddin’s actions relegated local (Malaysian) authorities as subordinate to foreign agencies of justice.

His actions constituted a matter of national security, particularly since it concerned individuals (hereinafter referred to as the individuals) that were linked to agencies bound by statutes of law, the most notable among them being BNM, the MACC and the Attorney General’s Chambers (AGC).

By dismissing or denouncing the authorities insofar as investigations into 1MDB were concerned, Khairuddin had failed to recognize the rule of law, another fundamental tenet to the pillars of our sovereignty and the Constitution.

By the same token, Khairuddin had also failed to recognize the rights of the authorities to complete their investigations and deliberate on their findings in a manner that was not adulterated with stigmas cast by third parties exclusive to the authorities.

In simpler terms, Khairuddin had subverted investigations into 1MDB and its attendant concerns by insinuating doubt over a constitutional process that was under way.

Khairuddin’s dispositions as expressed in points 3 through to 12 can also be taken to mean that he considered the Constitution as subordinate to foreign statutes of law. As such, it would be reasonable to assume that Khairuddin did not recognize the supremacy of authority that was vested in the Constitution.


Kharuddin also failed to take into account that the individuals were being investigated for treason over the leak of classified information to foreign nationals, or the fact that the said information may have deliberately been falsified and exaggerated to tarnish the reputation of 1MDB and the Prime Minister of Malaysia.

By virtue of all the aforementioned, Khairuddin may be liable to charges of aiding and abetting the Confederates of the Fifth Column (refer with intent to sabotage UMNO, the government of Malaysia and the Prime Minister of Malaysia (hereinafter referred to as the affected parties) to effect a regime change.

Khairuddin’s role in conspiring with foreign nationals to subvert the affected parties is therefore suspect. By the same token, Khairuddin may also be liable to charges of waging war against the Yang di-Pertuan Agong, a crime punishable by death.

It is further suspect that Khairuddin had lodged reports with the French, UK and HK police to divert attention from the core mission of the Confederates of the Fifth Column (refer

Part B: Links with Tun Dr. Mahathir

In retrospect, the Confederates of the Fifth Column alludes to a group of saboteurs who have been plotting a series of treasonous acts against the government of Malaysia. The group is in consort with foreign elements to subvert government and enjoys the patronage of Tun Dr. Mahathir and Tun Daim Zainuddin, the two most powerful Tuns in the country.

One is therefore led to conclude, a priori, that Khairuddin may have been complicit with Mahathir to undermine the institution of premiership and to ensure that Barisan Nasional would not return as government come the 14th general elections.

Captive to the word of the Tun, Khairuddin is believed to have instituted a media blitz against Najib, 1MDB and its attendant agencies as part of a smear campaign that was meant to trigger mutiny against the government.

Mahathir, knowing all too well that a general election costs anywhere between RM 1.8 billion to RM 2.8 billion, knew that the only way to secure a Barisan Nasional (BN) debacle at the polls would be to sever Najib’s umbilical cord with companies that had the potential to chalk up electoral funds for the ruling coalition.

Part C: The mudslinging campaign

The media blitz was likely contrived to bleed UMNO’s war chest dry before the next general elections so as to ensure that Najib’s government suffers a harrowing defeat in polls.

As part to the mudslinging campaign, Khairuddin embarked on a nationwide and international mission with intent to give the Prime Minister a black eye, by implying that Najib had explicit knowledge and seemingly unlimited access to funds that had allegedly been laundered through 1MDB, a government owned strategic development company.

He started the ball rolling on the local front by lodging a police report sometime in December 2014. In the report, Khairuddin called for detailed and comprehensive investigations into 1MDB and more or less demanded that authorities place its directors under a high-resolution microscope.

Khairuddin went on to lodge a similar report with the Malaysian Anti Corruption Commission (MACC) a month later. Both these reports instituted a credibility gap in his line of reasoning when he failed to adduce evidence that registered as material and import to allegations of fraud against 1MDB and the Prime Minister.

The need for such evidence is essential in issues of a nature to those articulated by Khairuddin in his reports, given that such issues border on the sanctity of a sovereign state and hence, national security. Khairuddin failed to take this into account in all his dealings with authorities and the media.

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The issue of national security came to rise when it was Khairuddin himself who insinuated doubt against Najib on felonious grounds. The reports implied the Prime Minister’s complicity with foreign agencies to launder money into Malaysia.

The reports further intimated a conspiracy to use 1MDB as a front and vehicle to channel funds, allegedly ill-gotten, into Malaysia via intermediary establishments, including the Swiss subsidiary to Britain’s Royal Bank of Scotland (RBS), Coutts, JP Morgan Chase, Falcon Private Bank, BSI bank in Singapore (Swiss based) and the Geneva branch of PetroSaudi International.

These allegations were retrospect of those furnished by Sarawak Report (SR) and the Wall Street Journal (WSJ), positively those Khairuddin hinged his doubts against the Prime Minister on and hence, acted in male fide.

Part D: Plan UMNO destruct and further mudslinging

However, efforts to dislodge Najib from power watered down when it became apparent that the Prime Minister had consolidated his foothold in the party. It dawned upon Mahathir that the only way to put the screws on BN would be to turn UMNO against itself. Around then, Khairuddin began to draw a bead on Najib and threw down the gauntlet to the Prime Minister.

He branded Najib a liar and declared him unfit to run government. On the 5th of June 2015, Khairuddin lamented that the Prime Minister “(had) to go” to reporters outside the Putra World Trade Centre (PWTC). Ever since then, Khairuddin began to vent his contempt for the Prime Minister in a very presumptuous and quarrelsome manner.

Soon, his exploits were flavoured with histrionic and reckless tones. Sometime in August, Khairuddin was alleged to have said that the Malays would be ‘bastardized’ should Najib remain in power. According to a report that was carried by Malaysiakini, Khairuddin lamented that UMNO and BN would remain unstable should Najib persist on being ‘self-indulgent’ (syok sendiri).

It is highly suspect that Khairuddin had intended to wend his way into the conscience of every other UMNO member with allegations that implied moral and doctrinal lapses on the part of the Prime Minister.

It is further suspect that Khairuddin had conspired with Mahathir thereafter to direct resources and energies to destroy UMNO before the 14th general elections. The bush telegraph appears to have the tap on a felonious compact that was entered into by Mahathir and Tun Daim Zainuddin with foreign nationals sometime around June or July this year (2015) to weaken the Malaysian ringgit as recourse to trigger alarm bells in UMNO.

An elitist institution rooted in capitalism, Mahathir’s UMNO comprises cabals of very powerful men and crony capitalists, each having its own think on leadership succession and the future of the party. The weakening ringgit occasioned paranoia among party pipsqueaks who suddenly grew balls and resonated with Khairuddin against 1MDB and Najib. Thence the success of Khairuddin’s smear campaign insofar as triggering dissonance within UMNO was concerned.

The mudslinging campaign was said to have been hosted by Clare Rewcastle Brown of Sarawak Report and abetted by The Wall Street Journal and The New York Times, among others. Khairuddin is believed to have been the protagonist on the local front and was tasked with running the gamut of conspiracy against the Prime Minister.

The mudslinging was likely contrived to trigger the colossal flow of the Malaysian Ringgit out of the country by impressing upon investors that all was not cricket on the political and economic fronts. It was said that Mahathir and Daim had intended for the ringgit to be valued at RM 4.5 against the US dollar.

The weakening of the ringgit was a two pronged strategy, meant also to exert inflationary pressures on a people, who in turn, were expected to denounce the Najib administration and seek for a regime change. With the likes of Khairuddin and Tan Sri Zeti Akhtar Aziz misleading the public on the economic downturn and its associations with 1MDB, Najib suffered disesteem and fell deeper in public odium and contempt.

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As a result of this and following a spate of arrests that were linked to probes into 1MDB, the public began accusing Najib of engaging in a witch-hunt to silence his detractors. This effectively placed Khairuddin in contempt of parliament, given that the arrests were consequential to parliamentary acts, including the Police Act of 1947.

This also placed Khairuddin in contempt of democracy and its attendant institutions, given that Najib’s government is now perceived to be a dictatorship.

Khairuddin drove impression further astray by implying that the Prime minister was obliged to put in public view the affairs of 1MDB. Khairuddin further implied that the Prime Minister had much to hide by refusing to come clean on the so called ‘1MDB fiasco’. By this token alone, Khairuddin was liable to charges of libel and sedition for implying that the Prime Minister was a liar and a coward, although, the former did in fact come straight from the shoulder and accuse the Prime Minister thereof.

The move by Khairuddin imbued a sense of discordance in UMNO and may have been devised to turn party cabals against one another, particularly those aligned with Najib against those seen sympathetic towards Tan Sri Muhyiddin Yassin.

All in all, the public is under the impression that Najib will stop at nothing to tighten his grip on government and UMNO, a misconception Kharuddin was instrumental in shaping. Despite all of this, Khairuddin forged ahead with a smear campaign against Najib and 1MDB and shot arrow after arrow across Najib’s bow.

Part E: On 50 Dalil Kenapa Anwar Tidak Boleh Jadi PM

Those aligned to Khairuddin seem to portray his recent arrest as a partisan device by the Najib administration to rid UMNO of his detractors. But what they fail to address is the contrivance by Khairuddin that contributed to Dato’ Seri Anwar Ibrahim’s sacking from UMNO in 1998.

Back then, Khairuddin rode the horizon on conspiracy with a book titled 50 Dalil Kenapa Anwar Tidak Boleh Jadi PM. Despite the book being published from the Department of the Bleeding Obvious, its constitutions were enough to push Anwar to the wall on charges of corruption and sexual conduct against the order of nature, among others.

Khairuddin is believed to have published the book by Mahathir’s dictate sometime in 1996. Authored by the late Dato’ Khalid Jafri Bakar Shah, the publication was dense with superstition and suppositions that were never so much as supported by deductive reasoning.

Copies of the book were distributed during the 1998 UMNO General Assembly prior to Anwar’s address of the Youth and Wanita wings. But there was a tinge of irony to it all; Khairuddin, being Anwar’s cousin, was among those instrumental in distributing the copies to attendant delegates.

The book was said to be Mahathir’s revenge on Anwar for laying Perwaja Steel bare in parliament with such attention to details that it almost seemed like a premeditated attack on his leadership. It was mid-1996, and Mahathir had also gotten word of a coup de main that was being hatched by Anwar to topple him (refer

Upon learning of the coup, Mahathir is rumoured to have sought the services of Khairuddin to publish 50 Dalil Kenapa Anwar Tidak Boleh Jadi PM. The validity to the rumour remains uncertain, though Khairuddin is believed to have been rewarded by Mahathir for the said publication a year later.

To be continued





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