Oleh Amin Yatim (Emel Pembaca)
Tun Dr Mahathir Mohamad menulis lagi hari ini dalam blognya di bawah tajuk MALAYSIA 2. Tulisan sepanjang 24 para tersebut tidak mempunyai apa-apa yang baharu kecuali usaha berterusan mendesak Perdana Menteri Mohd Najib Tun Razak meletak jawatan.
Tulisan Tun sungguhpun cantik tapi jelas mengambil kebenaran secara berpilih-pilih.
1. What is happening in Malaysia today is unprecedented. The rule of law has been turned upside down and the people seem powerless to do anything to put it upright again. [2.] This is because the very leader entrusted with upholding the law has become the subject of the due process of the law. It is alleged that he has broken the law. As no one is above the law, it follows that he must be investigated to determine if indeed he had broken the law. [3.] Although this is unprecedented in Malaysia, this had happened in many other countries, including in the developed West. [4.] Recall the case of President Nixon of the United States of America. He had used Government officials to spy on his political rival. This was considered as abuse of power in the U.S. [5.] Eventually he was impeached and was forced to resign as President of the U.S. The Vice President took over and in due course elections were held. The Vice-President won. End of problem.
i. Betul, apa yang berlaku kepada Mohd Najib ini sesuatu yang tidak pernah berlaku di negara ini. Ia hanya berlaku kerana Mohd Najib membenarkan “due process of law” berjalan termasuk ke atas dirinya. Tun mungkin merasa hairan bagaimana kerajaan boleh membenarkan Bank Negara, Polis dan Suruhanjaya Pencegahan Rasuah Malaysia (SPRM) menyiasat Perdana Menteri. Ini tidak mungkin berlaku pada zaman Tun.
ii. Pernahkah Badan Pencegahan Rasuah (BPR) menyiasat keputusan Petronas menyelamatkan Konsortium Perkapalan Berhad (KPB) milik Mirzan Mahathir sebanyak RM 1.4B pada 1997. Tidak ada. Tidak perlu kita senaraikan banyak lagi kes-kes membabitkan pentdabiran Tun yang tidak pernah disiasat langsung.
iii. Oleh kerana pada zaman Tun Mahathir Mohamad, proses penyiasatan dan perundangan tidak berjalan seperti sepatutnya maka sudah tentu beliau hairan melihat Mohd Najib disiasat oleh pihak berkuasa.
iv. Tujuh belas tahun yang lalu, ketua pengarah Badan Pencegah Rasuah (BPR) Shafee Yahaya telah diarahkan untuk menutup siasatan satu kes rasuah membabitkan Ketua Pengarah Unit Perancang Ekonomi (EPU) Ali Abul Hassan Sulaiman hanya kerana Tun percaya ia menjadi mangsa kepada konspirasi Anwar Ibrahim.
v. Tun menyebut skandal Watergate zaman Presiden Nixon. Presiden Nixon hanya meletak jawatan apabila terdapat saksi tampil di hadapan Juri Agung (grand jury) dan pendedahan rakaman pembabitan Nixon. Sebaliknya apa yang ada kepada Mohd Najib hari ini ialah tuduhan dan dakwaan yang belum dibuktikan.
vi. Dalam undang-undang yang Tun jarang tegakkan, seseorang itu tidak bersalah sehingga beliau dibuktikan bersalah – tidak penting sama ada orang itu Perdana Menteri atau rakyat biasa. Jika kemudian terbukti berlaku salah laku Mohd Najib beliau perlu berhadapan dengan tindakan undang-undang.
[6]. in other countries more violent methods are used to remove an unpopular president, whether elected or imposed by the military or other politically powerful groups. [7]. Now Malaysia would not want to see violence used. So the instruments or the institutions of Governments were expected to investigate and determine whether the allegations against the P.M. are true or not. [8]. The institution that is normally expected to do this is mainly the police. Other institutions with the capacity to investigate are also expected to do this. In cases involving money, the Central Bank are expected to investigate and report. [9]. Then there are special bodies created to oversee how Government money is managed. These are the Auditor-General and the Public Accounts Committee of Parliament. Additionally there is the Anti-Corruption Commission. [10]. They are however limited to investigations and preparation of reports. They themselves have no power to prosecute. For this, the Attorney-General must decide and initiate legal proceedings. If the A.G. decides there is no case to answer, even the most blatant crime will not be tried in the court. [11]. The only other process for the removal of a PM is a vote of no-confidence in Parliament. It needs a simple majority. With the fall of the PM, the whole Government would fall. But by majority decision in Parliament, a new Government may be set up. It may be the same party or a different party. Alternatively an election can be held. [12] These are the avenues of legal redress provided in the Malaysian Constitution and laws. [13]. Due to the serious nature of the allegations against the highest leader of the Government, a task force of four, consisting of the Attorney General, the Inspector General of Police, the Governor of the Central Bank and the head of the Malaysian Anti-Corruption Commission was formed to collect all relevant evidence for the Attorney General to decide on the action to be taken. [14]. All these agencies and institutions were in the midst of their investigations when the PM struck. He first sacked the A.G. and appointed his man to the post. Then he literally disbanded the Public Accounts Committee by appointing the Chairman and three other members as Deputy Ministers and to other posts. Members of the MACC who were continuing to investigate the case were harassed by the police who accused them of leaking secrets. Two were transferred to the PMO.
Peguam Negara, SPRM dan Bank Negara
vii. Benar Peguam Negara ditukar. Peguam Negara yang menjalani dialisis sebanyak 3 kali seminggu mustahil boleh menjadi seorang Peguam Negara yang efektif. Tapi jika Mahathir dan orang ramai mahu percaya Peguam Negara ditukar kerana penyiasatan ke atas Perdana Menteri pun tidak ada masalah.
viii. Gani Patail dilantik oleh Tun sebagai Peguam Negara melangkaui beberapa generasi. Banyak orang berkata ia sebagai ganjaran pendakwaan ke atas Anwar Ibrahim. Justeru ketika Tun berusaha menjatuhkan Mohd Najib dengan apa sahaja cara, adalah hak kerajaan untuk memastikan pejabat Peguam Negara boleh bertindak dengan adil.
ix. Apakah risiko Gani kekal sebagai Peguam Negara? Dengan satu tandatangan pendakwaan oleh Peguam Negara sahaja, Mohd Najib boleh kehilangan jawatan dan berhadapan dengan perbicaraan Mahkamah selama bertahun-tahun sebelum keputusan.
x. Apakah mustahil Gani Patail, orang suruhan Tun Mahathir, tidak akan menggunakan taktik ini seperti mana beliau lakukan ke atas beberapa ahli politik lain, apabila Mahathir sendiri menyatakan Mohd Najib perlu dijatuhkan dengan apa sahaja cara?
xi. Mohd Najib tidak akan menjadi Perdana Menteri jika beliau naif. Bodohlah Mohd Najib sebagai Perdana Menteri jika beliau tidak memastikan jawatan Peguam Negara diisi oleh orang yang beliau percaya boleh bertindak dengan adil untuk dirinya. Pada zaman hari ini mustahil untuk mana-mana pihak menutup bukti jika Mohd Najib bersalah. Tapi beliau perlukan Peguam Negara yang membuat boleh keputusan yang adil bukannya bermain politik dan membuat keputusan pendakwaan sesuka hati.
xii. Penukaran dua pegawai SPRM ke Jabatan Perdana Menteri (JPM/PMD) bukannya Pejabat Perdana Menteri (PMO) seperti dakwaan Tun. Arahan pertukaran tiada kena mengenai dengan siasatan SPRM ke atas akaun Perdana Menteri tetapi lebih kepada tindakan pegawai terbabit membuat kenyataan akhbar mencabar pihak Polis. Ia merupakan satu kesalahan tatalaku SPRM dan Perkhidmatan Awam.
xiii. Pada zaman Tun, pegawai seperti ini mungkin sudah berhadapan pembekuan atau desakan meletak jawatan seperti mana berlaku kepada bekas CEO Tenaga Nasional Berhad (TNB), allahyarham Tan Sri Ani Arope yang tidak bersetuju dengan kontrak TNB dengan Penyedia Janakuasa Tenaga Bebas (IPP).
Lupakah Tun apabila memecat Timbalan Perdana Menteri, menukar Gabenor dan Timbalan Gabenor Bank Negara dan juga ketua Pengarah BPR pada 1998?
xiv. Tapi Kerajaan hari ini telah menarik balik arahan pemindahan tersebut kerana tidak mahu dituduh menggangu siasatan SPRM. Justeru Kenyataan Tun sebenarnya bukan mahu mencari kebenaran tapi mahu menambah persepsi buruk.
xv. Pelantikan Pengerusi PAC dan empat anggotanya ke dalam kabinet tidak mungkin menjejaskan penyiasatan PAC yang dianggotai oleh 13 orang termasuk tokoh-tokoh parti pembangkang. Bukankah Tun sendiri sudah menyatakan tidak percaya kepada PAC?
[15].Rumors were rife that the Governor of the Central Bank was being investigated for corruption. Although she remains as Governor, the staff of the Central Bank were harassed and accused of leaking information to the press. [16]. The Edge, the paper that had exposed the 1MDB scandal was closed. The owner of The Malaysian Reserve paper was told to sell it back to the previous owner. [17]. Najib also sacked the Deputy Prime Minister and one of the ministers who had been vocal in questioning the financial records of 1MDB and the RM2.6 billion found in Najib’s personal bank account. [18]. With these actions, Najib has effectively stopped investigations on the disappearance of billions of Ringgit invested by 1MDB and the appearance of 2.6 billion in Najib’s account. Now no legal action can be taken against Najib as the allegations cannot be proven. But his very actions prove that there is substance in the allegations made against him.
Xvi. Tulisan Tun di atas sekali lagi mengelirukan. Apakah kerana sesuatu agensi tersebut menyiasat Perdana Menteri maka mereka bebas melakukan kesalahan dan tidak boleh disiasat kerana kesalahan lain?
xvii. The Edge tidak diarahkan tutup. Ia hanya digantung selama tiga bulan. Bukankah ini perkara biasa pada zaman pentadbiran Tun? Malah zaman Tun ada akhbar yang menemui batu nisan apabila ditarik lesen seperti akhbar Watan, Detik dan Eksklusif. Adakah itu menunjukkan Tun bersalah dan mahu menutup suara kebenaran?
[19]. Public opinion therefore remains strong in wanting Najib to resign as PM. Consequently there is talk about moving a vote of no-confidence against him in Parliament. [20]. This is very difficult as almost all the UMNO members seem beholden to him. And the opposition does not have enough members to pass the motion. [21]. So there is a stalemate. But the economy is reacting in its own way. The Ringgit has depreciated to below its old fixed rate of RM3.80 to the USD. It is now at 4 Ringgit plus and is likely to drop further. The effect is to make the country poor. Paying debts by 1MDB in USD would cost more. Already 1MDB is unable even to service its debts. [22]. The stock market has all but collapsed. Investors, especially foreign investors are taking out their money to safer places abroad. [23]. The Government is short of funds. It has to cut budget allocations to all ministries. The introduction of the GST has only resulted in increasing the cost of living making the depreciation of the Ringgit more acute. [24]. Najib may be able to buy his way through in the next election but he will not be able to acquire funds to sustain his purchase of popularity. The Government he leads will not be able to borrow. The country’s economy will collapse. And the people will suffer. This is the grim picture that lies in store for Malaysians because Najib has basically stolen the Government.
xviii. Memang jika kita lihat suara yang vokal di media sosial dan beberapa perhimpunan, ramai yang mahu Mohd Najib meletak jawatan kerana termakan fitnah Tun. Apakah ini harus menjadi kata pemutus Mohd Najib perlu meletak jawatan?
xix. Apakah Tun lupa bahawa pada 1998 beratus ribu orang meletak keluar di atas jalan, berpuluh ribu keluar parti dan puluhan ditangkap di bawah ISA. Adakah Tun meletak jawatan? Tidak. Malah kami menyokong Tun sepenuh hati.
xx. Tun bercakap soal ekonomi ketika ini ketika Tun lupa bahawa pada 1998 ramai orang bangkrap, banyak syarikat muflis dan rakyat hilang pekerjaan tapi Tun hanya sibuk menambat ringgit untuk menyelamatkan banyak syarikat kroni Tun yang berhutang dalam US Dollar.
xxi. Tun tubuhkan Syarikat Danaharta untuk membantu syarikat-syarikat kroni yang hampir lingkup kerana terlalu banyak hutang. Saya tidak kata Tun tidak wajar buat sedemikian. Tapi soalnya bukankah Tun “mencuri” wang kerajaan untuk menyelamatkan kroni-kroni Tun?
xxii. Apalah sangat GST jika apa yang pentadbiran Tun buat pada 1997 dan 1998 meningkatkan kadar faedah berbelas peratus, kehilangan pekerjaan dan muflis menjadi perkara biasa.
xxiii. Keadaan 1998 lebih teruk dari sekarang tapi Tun tetap enggan meletak jawatan ketika itu. Negara berhadapan NPL yang begitu tinggi, kadar muflis dan hilang pekerjaan yang tinggi, kadar faedah yang tinggi, kejatuhan matawang ringgit, pemecatan Timbalan Perdana Menteri, penamatan Gabenor dan Timbalan Gabenor Bank Negara dan penamatan Ketua Pengarah Badan Pencegahan Rasuah Malaysia?
xxiv. Muhasabahlah Tun.
AMIN YATIM
Petaling Jaya
emel pembaca MYKMU.NET.
